Angela Armati, Un ricordo di Augusta Acconcia Longo, p. 5
Andrea Luzzi, Breve profilo della carriera accademica e della produzione scientifica di Augusta Acconcia Longo, p. 9
Valeria Acconcia, Un filo che ci lega: storie di Populonia e dell’isola d’Elba tra l’antichità classica e l’alto medioevo, p. 19
The question of the location (Sicily or Constantinople?) where the lost original redaction of the Vita of S. Leo of Catania was realised and the problem of the origin of the name Αἰθαλία, which in the Vita B of the same saint is attributed to the Constantinopolitan stratorissa victim of Heliodorus’ wizardry, lead here to some reflections on the territorial and economic development of the island of Elba (the ancient Greek name of which was Αἰθάλη / Αἰθάλεια / Αἰθαλία) in the Tyrrhenian sea and of the Populonia district on the nearby mainland between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. The primary aim of this paper is to point out the differences and «distance» between the Byzantine world (both in its central or «provincial» areas, e.g. Sicily) and the Tuscan area during the same period (6th-9th cent. AD). For centuries, from the Etruscan to the Late-Republican period, Populonia and Elba represented the core of iron production in the Western Mediterranean. At the beginning of the Imperial period, this network became progressively weaker as the social and economic system turned to different productive aims. In Late Antiquity, this area was the object of raids by the Vandals and Visigoths, and, after a brief time as part of the Tuscia annonaria district, the territory of Populonia was conquered by the Lombards, even though the island of Elba still remained under Byzantine control for a few decades. During this period of difficulty, iron production markedly decreased, to the point of an actual hiatus between the 7th and the 8th century AD, and it effectively started again only as of the 9th century.
Alessandra Palla, Un testimone trascurato della Seconda lettera ad Ammeo di Dionigi di Alicarnasso, p. 33
Ziel des Beitrages ist, die Aufmerksamkeit auf ein wahrscheinlich aus der zweiten Hälfte des 10. Jahrhunderts stammendes Pergament-Fragment (Mu) zu lenken. Das Fragment wird heute im Staatsarchiv in Modena (Umschlag «Archivi per materia: letteratura, scritti letterari, saecc. XIV-XVI. Cass. n. 1», I.3. Faszikel) aufbewahrt und überliefert zwei Textstellen der Epistula ad Ammaeum II des Dionysios von Halikarnass. Das Fragment Mu, bis heute den Forschern der Epistula unbekannt, zeigt die charakteristischen Lesarten eines Zweiges der Überlieferungsgeschichte dieser Schrift von Dionysios (31 Handschriften datiert aus dem Zeitraum zwischen Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts und 16. Jahrhundert) und hindert uns daran, die gefestigte Meinung anzunehmen, dass die lectiones potiores dieser Handschriftengruppe auf ein Werk eines byzantinischen Gelehrten zurückzuführen sind, der den Text zwischen Ende des 12. und Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts überarbeitet haben soll.
Stefano Trovato, Annotazioni su emiargon («incompiuto» o «semigreco»?) in Liutprando (Antapodosis III.29), p. 45
In his recent critical edition of Liutprand’s Antapodosis, Paolo Chiesa rejected a hypothesis advanced by Michele Bandini regarding the spelling and meaning of the nickname reportedly given by the Byzantines to Symeon of Bulgaria (Antapodosis III.29). The present paper discusses Chiesa’s objections to Bandini’s conjecture and interpretation of this passage. In conclusion, it turns out that Bandini’s correction of emiargon (usually interpreted as «half-Greek») into emiergon (i.e. «unfinished») has to be taken into due consideration.
Irmgard Hutter, Beobachtungen zu italogriechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments in der Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, p. 51
All’interno della tradizione manoscritta dei Vangeli, il cosiddetto «gruppo Ferrar», che tramanda antiche varianti risalenti all’ambiente di Cesarea di Palestina, è rappresentato in un manipolo di manoscritti dell’Italia meridionale: tale recensione testuale, d’altra parte, è stata fatta oggetto nel tempo di un costante processo editoriale di livellamento sul «testo bizantino», che nell’XI secolo si può evidenziare nei manoscritti stessi copiati dallo scriba Leone. Il Lezionario Vat. gr. 2138, trascritto a Capua nel 991, è qui a sua volta preso in esame quale testimone d’eccezione delle relazioni interculturali tra i monaci italogreci e gli ambienti di cultura latina in cui essi vennero a rifugiarsi. Quanto ai calendari liturgici così come rappresentati nei menologia minora dei manoscritti neotestamentari italogreci, si rileva che essi seguono nella maggior parte dei casi le consuetudini comuni a tutto il mondo bizantino, con ben poche aggiunte di santi locali: tali calendari mostrano, del resto, una fisionomia per lo più unitaria, con l’eccezione di quello del Praxapostolos Vat. gr. 1971, che presenta una quantità pressoché doppia di commemorazioni grazie al ricorso a un Sinassario. Si dimostra, infine, sulla base di peculiarità testuali e calendariali, che per il Lezionario Barb. gr. 565, prodotto a Rossano nel primo terzo del XII secolo, fu utilizzato come modello un «Lezionario patriarcale» di tradizione costantinopolitana: un «gemello» di tale antigrafo si conserva presso il Theological Seminary di Princeton.
Donatella Bucca, Una nuova, e più precoce, testimonianza datata (an. 1021/1022) di notazione musicale paleobizantina nel Mosquens. Synod. gr. 438 (299 Vlad.), p. 79
The cataloguing project «Codices hymnographici Byzantini antiquiores» has recently brought to light a heirmos with archaic Coislin musical notation. This short hymn is preserved in the manuscript Moscow, State Historical Museum, Synod. gr. 438 (299 Vlad.), which is an interesting Theotokarion transcribed by the monk John for the Vatopedi monastery on Mount Athos in A.D. 1021/1022. Such a discovery within a dated manuscript represents a precious witness to the use of Palaeobyzantine musical notation from a poorly documented period in the history of Byzantine music. The purpose of the present paper is to illustrate the distinctive features of this archaic musical notation through a comparison with the melodic versions of the same heirmos transmitted in nine manuscripts of the Heirmologion from the 10th century onwards. Their musical notations contribute to a clearer understanding and a more reliable interpretation of the older neumatic writing. In an Appendix, there follow summary descriptions, with paleographical observations, of some Heirmologia with musical notation from the 10th-13th centuries.
Marco Bais, I nove canoni del Concilio di Teodosiopoli (Kanonagirk‘ Hayoc‘, 42), p. 133
According to Michel van Esbroeck, the nine canons of the Council of Theodosiopolis published in Vazgen Hakobyan’s Kanonagirk‘ Hayoc‘ go back to a Council held under the emperor Justinian II in 693, when Sahak III was Catholicos of All Armenians. However, van Esbroeck’s reconstruction fails to account for a number of inconsistencies between the content of the canons and the political and religious context at the end of 7th century. Elaborating on Yakovbos Tašean’s assumption that the document in question is a forgery, this paper puts forward a new hypothesis regarding a suitable historical context and the political reasons that might have led to its production in the years shortly preceding the surrender of Ani to the Byzantines (1045).
Mario Re, Esegesi scritturistica e agiografia nell’omelia 29 (edizione Rossi Taibbi) di Filagato da Cerami dedicata a s. Pancrazio di Taormina, p. 151
Philagathos of Cerami was a homilist active in Sicily during the Norman period, and Homily 29 (BHG and BHG Nov. Auct. 1412), which was delivered at Taormina on the occasion of the feast of St. Pancratius (9 July), is one of the homilies that he wrote for the fixed feasts of the liturgical calendar. This homily provides further evidence regarding the fate and fame of the Vita Pancratii (BHG and BHG Nov. Auct. 1410 and 1410a-b) some three centuries after its composition. In this homily as in other texts by the same author, the exegesis of Scripture is followed by a shorter section dedicated to the memory of the martyr. The present contribution provides an analysis of the two parts of the homily. To be precise, an attempt is made to identify what the author sought to achieve by offering to his public a particular model of saintliness, by means of the allegorical interpretation of the passage from the Gospel of John upon which he comments in the first part and through the few events in the life of this saint from Taormina that are mentioned in the second part.
Caroline Macé – Patrick Andrist, Elias of Crete’s Commentary on Gregory of Nazianzus’s Homilies in Codex Basel AN i 8: A Philological and Codicological Approach, p. 171
Le manuscrit Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, AN i 8, datable de la fin du 12e ou du début du 13e s. et contenant le commentaire d’Élie de Crète (début du 12e s.?), à 19 homélies de Grégoire de Nazianze, ainsi que 16 miniatures en pleine page, fait ici l’objet d’une enquête codicologique et philologique détaillée. Le texte est notamment comparé à la tradition directe des homélies de Grégoire et au seul manuscrit connu contenant un commentaire complet d’Élie aux «homélies non lues à date fixe», Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. gr. 1219, à peu près contemporain du manuscrit de Bâle. Le commentaire d’Élie a eu une influence non négligeable sur l’histoire de la réception des œuvres du Nazianzène, notamment dans le contexte des guerres de religion, contexte qui a aussi laissé sa marque dans l’histoire du manuscrit de Bâle. Plusieurs aspects de l’histoire constitutive complexe de ce codex sont discutés et permettent d’en reconstruire les grandes lignes.
Alessandro Maria Bruni, Marginalia slavi nel Par. gr. 1808 (Dialoghi di Platone): frammenti di uno Sticherario mediobulgaro, p. 241
The present work represents the first attempt to provide a comprehensive study of the Slavonic marginalia to be found in one of the most important manuscripts of Plato’s Dialogues (codex Par. gr. 1808, late eleventh or early twelfth century). The paper consists of two parts: the first includes a number of paleographic, linguistic, and textual remarks, whereas the second provides a complete edition of the Slavonic text. The latter is shown to contain fragments of a Middle-Bulgarian Sticherarium for the month of September (days 1-14) that is without musical notation and was copied between the late twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth century. The translation was undertaken from Greek, but does not appear to derive from the same tradition attested in the Old Russian neumed Sticherarium. Certain linguistic and musicological features may indicate that this version, which is unknown elsewhere, incorporates an archaic textual layer that can be traced back, at least partially, to the Old Bulgarian period.
Gioacchino Strano, «Da Ilio il vento mi spinse e portò verso i Ciconi». Una nuova edizione dell’epistola di Basilio Pediadita a Costantino Stilbes, p. 263
This article offers a new edition of the letter of Basil Pediadites, metropolitan of Corfu, to Constantine Stilbes. The epistle is easy to date: Basil Pediadites became metropolitan of Corfu around 1201, and he wrote the letter two years after his departure from the capital (in 1203, certainly before the Crusaders’ arrival on the island in May of that year). The epistle deploys a series of topoi to describe the discomforts of those who live on the periphery of the empire and far from the capital. Pediadites complains of the poverty and ignorance of the Corfiots, the harshness of the landscape, and the wretchedness of the houses, as well as the impossibility of caring for one’s health in the absence of doctors. As is pointed out, these are topical issues that we find in other authors, all of whom consider distance from Constantinople to be an exile. However, the appointment of Pediadites as metropolitan of Corfu was not a punishment, and he was able to play a key role in the island even after the Fourth Crusade. Corfu and its archbishops were fundamental in the reorganization of the Greek Church in the area of the so-called Despotate of Epirus.
Stefano Valente, Die Werke des Nikephoros Blemmydes in der Manuskriptsammlung der Biblioteca Academiei Române (Bukarest): ein erster Bericht, p. 277
Studio codicologico, paleografico e testuale di alcuni manoscritti con opere di Niceforo Blemmida conservati presso la Biblioteca dell’Accademia Rumena di Bucarest: si tratta dei codici Bucurestensis gr. 10 (Litzica 51), 17 (Litzica 658), 407 (Litzica 100), 447 (Litzica 104), 483 (Litzica 105), 561 (Litzica 600), 574 (Litzica 53). In particolare, nel Bucurestensis gr. 561 viene identificato un estratto sinora sconosciuto dell’autobiografia del Blemmida: il nuovo testimone è quindi studiato sotto il profilo filologico e collocato nello stemma ricostruito dall’ultimo editore dell’opera, Joseph Munitiz.
Domenico Surace, Frammenti greci dal codice Rom. Bibl. Naz. Centr. S.A. Valle 79 (Etymologicum Gudianum), p. 287
Die vorliegende Studie befasst sich mit drei griechischen Pergament-Fragmenten, die kurze Passagen des sogenannten Etymologicum Gudianum enthalten und auf dem Rücken des Buchblocks der Papierhandschrift S.A. Valle 79 (17. Jh.) der Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Rom aufgefunden worden sind. Auf Grundlage einer kodikologisch-paläographischen und inhaltlichen Analyse dieser Bruchstücke sowie im Lichte der Geschichte des Kodex S.A. Valle 79, der einst der Handschriftensammlung der Theatiner von S. Andrea della Valle in Rom angehörte, wird die These der ursprüngliche Zugehörigkeit der Fragmente zum heutigen Vat. Reg. gr. Pii II 15 (13. Jh.) vertreten. Schließlich enthält der Beitrag eine diplomatische Transkription der Textfragmente.
Anna Sirinian, I colofoni dei manoscritti armeni copiati a Roma (secc. XIII-XIV in.): traduzione italiana con note di commento, p. 305
At Rome in the 1200s, the Armenians also figured among the various nationes that had created churches and hospices in the vicinity of the basilica of St. Peter in the Vatican so as to receive pilgrims. Unlike the Latin sources for this phenomenon, which are later and much briefer, the colophons copied by the Armenians themselves between the start of the XIII century and the beginning of the XIV offer detailed and direct information on their presence. These were copied in the Armenians’ hospice, which in these texts is simply called «house» (tun) or «residence» (hangstaran). According to Armenian custom, these compositions are full of details and especially open to gathering notices tied to the ambience and conditions in which the work of copying took place. Thanks to some of these, we are able to reconstruct at least in part an image of this community, of its members, and of the motivations that led them to undertake long voyages in order to honour the tombs of the Apostles Peter and Paul. Extraordinary in many ways, these documents are here offered for the first time in a complete Italian translation accompanied by an introduction and commentary.
Giuseppe Pascale, Un nuovo manoscritto frammentario copiato da Giovanni Doceiano: Ambr. D 137 suss., 30 + S.P. 6/14, ff. 592-599 (con osservazioni sul manoscritto Ambr. G 69 sup. e un testo inedito di Marco Eugenico), p. 339
The present paper aims to shed light on the activity of the scribe Iohannes Dokeianos and some other Greek scholars who were active in Constantinople after 1453. In particular, it focuses on the evidence to be had from two manuscripts, the fragmentary codex Ambr. D 137 Suss., 30 + S. P. 6/14 ff. 592-599 and Ambr. G 69 sup. The first manuscript is proved to be the work of two scribes, Iohannes Dokeianos himself and an anonymous scribe of the same period. It also preserves an unknown brief commentary on Libanius, or. XVII, 22 composed by the «anti-Latin» theologian Markos Eugenikos. The other manuscript, Ambr. G 69 sup., was copied and owned by Dokeianos and annotated by a number of Greek scholars, including Matthaios Kamariotes. Moreover, some annotations on a flyleaf by Dokeianos himself show that the manuscript was still in Constantinople in 1492. Finally, a critical edition of Markos Eugenikos’ unpublished text is included.
Teresa Martínez Manzano, Entre Italia y España: el Dión Casio de Giorgio Merula, p. 363
Questo contributo prende in esame la storia del Matritensis 4714, contenente l’epitome di Xifilino dell’Historia Romana di Dione Cassio. Oltre a passare in rassegna sia i lettori di questo manoscritto nel corso del XVI secolo – Juan Páez de Castro, Andreas Schott, Alvar Gómez de Castro – sia i suoi possessori – i fratelli Diego e Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza e loro cugino il cardinale Francisco de Mendoza –, si forniscono qui elementi per la collocazione cronologica e la localizzazione della confezione del codice: esso è, infatti, con buona probabilità opera del copista Emanuele Rusotas e fu trascritto a Venezia negli anni ’60 o ’70 del XV secolo. Si dimostra, infine, che Giorgio Merula utilizzò questo manoscritto greco per una traduzione latina delle vite di diversi imperatori romani, e inoltre per la composizione del trattato In Beroaldum, che risale al suo ultimo anno di vita.
Résumés degli articoli, p. 383
Pubblicazioni ricevute, p. 389